Civil society is not an innocent invention that come out of nowhere. It is the product of an intellectual and historical system, which reflects the formation process of the modern state in the West, and its vision of the role of individuals and groups. With the rise of liberal globalization, this concept was adapted and re-employed as a tool of soft power, through which the priorities of other societies are restructured, and their values are reshaped according to pre-determined frameworks. This reconfiguration became particularly evident in the Arab countries, where NGO entered, supported by substantial funding and pre-constructed discourses, at times becoming an extension of foreign projects that converge on a fundamental objective, which is the redefinition of the relationship between the state and society in a way that achieves hegemony in its most seamless and sustainable form.
Hence, the research into these organizations does not stem from a fundamental hostility to the idea of civil organization. Rather, it is a desire to restore the authentic effectiveness of this field and liberate it from value-based and functional dependency. The real questions, which should be raised, concern the system of interests, values, and powers operating behind the shiny facade of organizations that claim neutrality and humanity.
It has been adopted by many elites, and frequently appears in both international and local statements. However, in fact, experience has shown that the performance of these organizations has been questioned, particularly regarding the nature of their proposals, their funding sources, and the nature of their connections to the interests of major Western countries. After a considerable period of time, it has become possible to assess these organizations and determine the extent of the benefits they have brought to their societies, as well as the potential harm they may have caused.
Generally, these organizations have come to represent a shiny title on one hand, while their substance remains questionable on the other. This leaves them with only two options: either to belong to the identity of their own society, or to detach from it and adopt the culture of the "colonizers."
This research examines the impact of some NGOs' ties to donor countries' programs and "foreign agendas" in shaping the "dark" perspective that has generally defined analyses of NGOs' roles in implementing covert programs, with specific mechanisms aimed at infiltrating targeted communities, whether intentionally or unintentionally. The research explores how cultural advantages play a role in shaping this perspective and whether NGOs are seen as part of the authentic fabric of society, or as instruments of soft power serving foreign interests, potentially even hindering real change.
With the rapid development of globalization, the roles of "dark" organizations become more pronounced, and their influence as "agents" is enhanced. The research analyzes the October 2019 protests in Lebanon as a case study for examining the political exploitation of NGOs in targeting the resistance movement and its political representative in the Lebanese Parliament, Hezbollah, comparing the effectiveness of these NGOs in the context of post-battle "Auli al-Bass."
This had to be accompanied by the emergence of a new cultural presence that competes with the existing identity in the Iraqi environment. A number of active Western organizations became active in the Iraqi arena, playing their role in strengthening the concept of hegemony through the space they occupy with the activities and initiatives they undertake, whether directly by themselves or through cooperation with local entities working in this field. This occurred alongside joint efforts between several European countries and the United States in this regard, as a clear expression of the unity of the West, viewed as a system still rooted in expansionist and colonial thought.
It also traces their development, through the civil war and its aftermath, and analyzes the number, divisions, structures, and classifications of these organizations. In addition to that, the research analyzes their legal and administrative operational mechanisms, funding sources, and the qualitative leaps in their evolution that began after 2005—marked by the issuance of Resolution 1959, the Syrian withdrawal from Lebanon, and the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. The study explores the causes, factors, and motives behind this artificial development, which was funded and directed by American and international powers. It examines their functional, developmental, and political roles, leading to the identification of international intervention in their goals and programs. The study also looks at how these organizations transformed into political parties and power projects serving American and international agendas, and the complications they faced in the context of corruption networks and Lebanon's sectarian social and political structure. Additionally, the research discusses the implications of U.S. President Trump's decision to stop funding NGOs through USAID and its impact on Lebanon.
It highlights the subtle roles these organizations play in reshaping public consciousness and taste, especially in conservative societies, through partnerships with platforms such as Netflix and TikTok, and supporting content that embraces concepts such as gender, individual freedom, and value diversity.
The study also focuses on the fact that cultural intervention is not spontaneous, but rather linked to international funding networks, relying on influential digital tools like algorithms and short-form content. This results in gradual shifts in the values of youth and increasing societal divisions. It concludes that there are implicit objectives behind the human rights discourse, relating to the re-engineering of local consciousness and the dissolution of collective identities. Additionally, the study discusses the societal and political repercussions, including rejecting reactions, as well as governmental responses ranging from normalization to resistance.
and the legal recognition of these issues as protected rights within liberal frameworks. These organizations have largely succeeded in normalizing these concepts in the West, but have faced religious and cultural resistance in conservative societies, both within the West and in the Islamic world. The study aims to analyze the tools of cultural hegemony, explore models of resistance, and offer recommendations to fortify societies against this value infiltration.
working with their own hands and demonstrating to the people the dignity and value of work. Voluntary work is an effort exerted by an individual with full desire, will, and choice, aimed at benefiting others or preventing harm and alleviating damage, done with satisfaction, love, and without material or immaterial compensation, with the intention of drawing closer to Allah.
The purpose of voluntary work in Islam can be defined as the establishment of a culture of charitable and voluntary acts of goodness in the Islamic community, the promotion of social solidarity and voluntary mutual support, the fostering of social and familial cohesion, and the improvement of people's conditions. Islamic law contains numerous legislations and acts related to or establishing the foundation for voluntary work, either directly or indirectly. Some of the legislations that lay the groundwork for voluntary work include gifts, recommended charity, charitable endowments (waqf), bequests, loans, and ongoing charity (sadaqa jariyah).
Technology, its tools, and scientific research of various types may be among the most productive sources of terminology. However, ideology plays a significant role in producing and creating intellectual and cognitive terms with implications that respond to the requirements of the relationship between the environment and the minds living within it. Terms are linked to vital functions in society, most notably those associated with educating generations on intellectual patterns in which the ideological connotations interact to shape meaning and the cognitive demands of the project of constructing the mind and collective self within the intellectual and sociological framework. The process of creating terms is among the most important cultural strategies for socializing generations due to the intellectual and cognitive circulation of terms disseminated by media vessels within the public environment, which forms the largest vessel for their spread.
Television programs, films, and series are highly effective tools for creating scenarios that support its political vision, and promote a positive image of its activities. This book reveals some of the history of the agency, and how it collaborated with Hollywood to produce entertainment that serves its interests, attracts clients, and justifies its exaggerated secrecy. This was done either by providing financial support for film and series production or by offering artistic consultations or intelligence information that contributes to shaping the portrayal of political reality, in ways that serve the agency’s interests.
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